Open Letters
THE ORION PARTY
The Prometheus League
- Humanity Needs A World Government PDF
- Cosmos Theology Essay PDF
- Cosmos Theology Booklet PDF
- Europe Destiny Essays PDF
- Historical Parallels PDF
- Christianity Examined PDF
News Blogs
Euvolution
- Home Page
- Pierre Teilhard De Chardin
- Library of Eugenics
- Genetic Revolution News
- Science
- Philosophy
- Politics
- Nationalism
- Cosmic Heaven
- Eugenics
- Future Art Gallery
- NeoEugenics
- Contact Us
- About the Website
- Site Map
Transhumanism News
Partners
The Role of Inheritance in Behavior
Robert Plomin
Science, April 13, 1990 v248 n4952 p183(6)
Robert Plomin is professor of human development in the Center for
Developmental and Health Genetics, College of Health and Human Development,
Pennyslvania State University, University Park, PA 16802.
BEHAVIOR IS A NEW FRONTIER FOR MOLECULAR BIOLOGY. IT is the most complex
phenotype that can be studied because behavior reflects the functioning of the
whole organism and because it is dynamic and changes in response to the
environment. Indeed, behavior is in the vanguard of evolution for these very
reasons. Genetic analysis of behavioral dimensions and disorders is especially
difficult for three additional reasons. First, unlike characteristics that
Mendel studied in the edible pea such as smooth versus wrinkled seeds, most
behaviors and behavioral problems are not distributed in "either/or"
dichotomies--we are not either smooth or wrinkled, psychologically. Second,
unlike classic Mendelian disorders such as Huntington's disease that are
caused by a single gene with little effect from other genes or environmental
background, most behavioral traits appear to be influenced by many genes, each
with small effects. Finally, behavior is substantially influenced by
nongenetic factors.
In this article, I will provide an overview of the results of quantitative
genetic research on behavior with a focus on the multigenetic control of
behavior and the magnitude of genetic influence and, second, will consider the
implications of these findings for the application of molecular biology
techniques to the investigation of behavior. But the question must be asked at
the outset, why should scientists bother with behavior if it is so complex?
The answer lies in the importance of behavior per se rather than in its
usefulness for revealing how genes work. Some of society's most pressing
problems, such as drug abuse, mental illness, and mental retardation, are
behavioral problems. Behavior is also key in health as well as illness, in
abilities as well as disabilities, and in the personal pluses of life, such as
sense of well-being and the ability to love and work.
Although the effects of major genes and chromosomal abnormalities on
behavior are sometimes studied, most genetic research on behavior employs the
theory and methods of quantitative genetics. Quantitative genetics identifies
genetic influence even when many genes and substantial environmental variation
are involved. This theory emerged in the early 1900s as a resolution to the
problem of how Mendelian laws of inheritance could be applied to
quantitatively distributed complex characteristics, such as behavior. The
essence of quantitative genetic theory is that Mendel's laws of discrete
inheritance also apply to such complex characteristics if we assume that many
genes, each with small effect, combine to produce observable differences among
individuals in a population. Quantitative genetics also applies to behavioral
differences among individuals dichotomized into affected and unaffected
categories, as is typical in research on behavioral disorders.
Quantitative genetic research determines the sum of heritable genetic
influence on behavior, regardless of the complexity of genetic modes of action
or the number of genes involved. However, quantitative genetics does not tell
us which genes are responsible for genetic influence. An exciting direction
for genetic research on behavior is the identification of genes responsible
for genetic variance on behavior, the theme of the second half of this
article. In the first half of the article, I review results of quantitative
genetic research on animal and human behavior. I hope to provide an overview
that will be useful for researchers outside the field who might be interested
in the role of inheritance in behavior. For details concerning the methods and
results of animal and human behavioral genetic research, see [1].
Animal Behavior
Applied behavioral genetics began thousands of years ago when animals were
bred for their behavior as much as for their morphology. The results of such
artificial selection can be seen most dramatically in differences in behavior
as well as physique among dog breeds, differences that testify to the great
range of genetic variability within a species and its effect on behavior.
Selection studies in the laboratory still provide the most convincing
demonstrations of genetic influence on behavior. The results of two selection
studies in mice, the favorite mammalian organism of behavioral geneticists,
are depicted in Fig. 1. In one of the longest mammalian selection studies of
behavior, replicated high and low lines were selected for activity in a
brightly lit open, field, an aversive situation thought to assess emotional
reactivity [2]. After 30 generations of selection, a 30-fold difference exists
between the activity of the high and low lines, and there is no overlap
between them. Similar results have been found for most mouse behaviors
subjected to selection in the laboratory, such as alcohol sensitivity [3],
preference, and withdrawal; various types of learning; exploratory behavior;
nest building; and aggressiveness. Many behaviors of rats and Drosophila have
also responded to selective breeding [1].
In addition to providing dramatic evidence of the existence of genetic
influence on behavior, two other implications can be drawn from the results of
these selection studies. The first concerns the magnitude of the genetic
effect as measured by statistical tests. Heritability is a descriptive
statistic that estimates the extent to which observed variability is due to
genetic variability. In selection studies, heritability estimates derived from
the magnitude of the response to selection are nearly always less than 50%.
Even though genetic influence of this magnitude can result in major
differences between selected lines after just a few generations of selection,
most behavioral variability is not genetic in origin.
The second implication of these results is that many genes appear to affect
behavior. Despite intense selection pressure, the response to selection
continues unabated during the course of most selection studies of behavior.
For example, in the study of open-field activity in Fig. 1, although the
low-active lines have reached the bottom limit of zero activity scores, the
high lines show no sign of reaching a selection limit, even after 30
generations of selection. If only one or two major genes were responsible for
genetic effects on these behaviors, the relevant alleles would be sorted into
the high and low lines in a few generations. The steady divergence of selected
lines provides the best available evidence that many genes affect behavior.
Other genetic methods used to investigate animal behavior are family
studies and studies of inbred strains. Family studies assess the sine qua non
of transmissible genetic influence, the resemblance between genetically
related individuals. They also provide test crosses that can be used to
explore hypotheses of single-locus transmission. Hundreds of single-locus
mutations have been found that result in neurological defects. For example,
there is a gene responsible for head shaking and rapid circling in "waltzer"
mice. However, normal behavioral variability has not shown the effects of one
major gene.
Inbred strains are created by mating brother to sister for at least 20
generations. This severe inbreeding eliminates heterozygosity and results in
animals that are virtually indentical genetically. Behavioral differences
between inbred strains reared under the same laboratory conditions can be
ascribed to genetic differences. Similar to the results of selection studies,
comparisons among inbred strains point to significant genetic influence on
most behaviors that have been examined [1]. Also in line with selection
studies, estimates of the magnitudes of genetic influence from comparisons
among inbred strains indicate that, although substantial, genetic factors do
not explain the majority of the variance in behavioral characteristics.
Crosses and backcrosses between inbred strains and their progeny have been
used to find patterns of inheritance consistent with single-gene transmission,
but this approach in fact has little power to discriminate single-gene from
multiple-gene transmission.
A powerful strategy to uncover major-gene effects in animal behavior is the
recombinant inbred (RI) strain method [4]. RI strains are different inbred
strains that were derived from separate brother-sister pairs from teh same
genetically segregating [F.sub.2] generation (crosses among hybrid offspring
of two inbred strains). They are called RI strains because parts of
chromosomes from the parental strains have recombined in the [F.sub.2]
generation from which the RI strains were derived. If a single gene is
responsible for a behavior that differs between the two parental strains, half
of the RI strains should be like one parent and half like the other. In other
words, there should be no intermediate phenotypes if just one locus is
involved, because each RI strain will be homozygous for the allele of either
one or the other parental strain. Behaviors studied in RI strains show no
single-gene effect; a few, but ony a few, major-gene effects have been
suggested [1].
Human Behavior
For human behavior, no quantitative genetic methods as powerful as
selection or inbred strain studies exist. Human behavioral genetic research
relies on family, adoption, and twin designs. As in studies of nonhuman
animals, family studies assess the extent of resemblance for genetically
related individuals, although they cannot disentangle possible environmental
sources of resemblance. That is the point of adoption studies. Genetically
related individuals adopted apart give evidence of the extent to which
familial resemblance is due to hereditary resemblance. Twin studies are like
natural experiments in which the resemblance of identical twins, whose genetic
identity can be expressed as genetic relatedness of 1.0, is compared to the
resemblance of fraternal twins, first-degree relatives whose coefficient of
genetic relatedness is 0.50. If heredity affects a behavior, identical twins
should be more similar for the behavior than fraternal twins. As in studies of
nonhuman animals, family, adoption, and twin studies can be used to estimate
the magnitude of genetic influence as well as its statistical significance.
For example, for height, an exemplar of a complex quantitative trait,
correlations for firt-degree relatives are 0.45, where reared together or
adopted apart, and identical and fraternal twin correlations are 0.90 and
0.45, respectively. These results suggest that heritability, the proportion of
phenotypic variance that can be accounted for by genetic factors, is 90% for
height.
Below I review results of family, twin, and adoption research on the role
of inheritance in human behavior, emphasizing the focal areas of cognitive
abilities and disabilities, personality, and psychopathology.
Cognitive abilities and disabilities. One of the most studied traits in
human behavioral genetics is general cognitive ability (IQ). In more than 30
twin studies involving more than 10,000 pairs of twins, identical and
fraternal twin correlations averaged 0.85 and 0.60, respectively [5]. The IQ
correlation for first-degree relatives living together is about 0.40; for
adopted-apart first-degree relatives, the correlation is about 0.20; and for
adoptive parents and their adopted children, the correlation is about 0.20.
These results, and model-fitting analyses that incorporate all of the date on
IQ are consistent with heritabilities of about 50% [6]. The error surrounding
this estimate may be as high as 20%, so we can only say with confidence that
the heritability of IQ scores is between 30 and 70%. Nonetheless, even if the
heritability of IQ scores is at the bottom of this range, it is a remarkable
finding. To account for 30% of the variance of anything as complex as IQ
scores is a remarkable achievement.
One direction for research on IQ is to trace the unfolding of genetic
influence during development [7]. For example, for 15 years, my colleagues and
I have been engaged in a prospective longitudinal adoption study of over 200
adoptive and 200 matched nonadoptive families in which adopted and nonadopted
children are studied yearly [8]. For IQ model-fitting analyses indicate that
heritability increases steadily from infancy to the early school years [9] and
also suggest that genetic effects on IQ during childhood are highly correlated
with genetic effects on IQ in adulthood [10].
Specific cognitive abilities such as verbal ability and spatial ability
show as much genetic influence as IQ; some types of memory ability appear to
be less influenced by heredity than other specific cognitive abilities [11].
Measures of academic achievement also show genetic influence, and recent
multivariate research suggests that genetic effects on academic achievement
tests correlate highly with genetic effects on cognitive abilities [12].
Surprisingly, there are not twin or adoptions studies of mental retardation.
There is no evidence for major-gene effects on normal variation in general
or specific cognitive abilities. For example, earlier reports of sex linkage
for spatial ability have not been confirmed [13]. Common cognitive problems
such as reading disability have yielded no clear major-gene effects. For
example, a 1983 report of chromosome 15 linkage for reading disability [14] is
in doubt--only 1 in 21 families now shows a near significant lod score
(logarithm of the likelihood ratio for linkage) [15]. However, as in mouse
research, many rare genes have been identified that drastically disrupt normal
cognitive development. Of the more than 4000 single-gene effects cataloged for
human beings, more than a hundred include lowered IQ scores as a clinical
symptom [16]. Although these recessive alleles may have devasting effects for
homozygous individuals, they are rare and thus can account for only a
minuscule portion of IQ variance in the population. For example, the fragile X
marker, which appears to be a source of the excess of mild mental retardation
in males [17], cannot account for much IQ variance in the pupulation because
its incidence is less than 1 in 1000 and many males with the fragile X market
do not show lowered IQ [18].
Personality. Twin and adoption studies that use personality questionnaires
typically yield heritability estimates in the range of 20 to 50%. For example,
identical and fraternal twin correlations are on average about 0.50 and 0.30,
respectively. Activity level, emotional reactivity (neuroticism), and
sociability-shyness (extraversion) have accumulated the best evidence for
significant genetic influence [19]. For example, four twin studies in four
countries involving over 30,000 pairs of twins yield heritability estimates of
about 50% for neuroticism and extraversion [20]. Adoption studies of
first-degree relatives suggest lower estimates of heritability for these
traits than do twin studies--about 30% rather than 50%. This may be due to
nonadditive genetic variance (especially higher order interaction among loci,
called epistasis), which ovaries completely for identical twins but
contributes little to the resemblance of first-degree relatives [21].
For the past decade, my colleagues and I have conducted a large-scale
behavioral genetic study in the last half of the life-span: a Swedish study of
hundreds of pairs of identical and fraternal twins reared apart and matched
twins reared together. The results of this study support the hypothesis of
nonadditive genetic variance for personality and also sugest that heritability
of these traits may be somewhat lower, about 30%, later in life [22]. As in
the case of cognitive abilities, there is no evidence for major-gene effects
on personality.
Psychopathology. A third major domain of behavioral genetic research is
psychopathology. In the past, most research focused on schizophrenia;
attention has now turned to the affective disorders, which include major
depressive disorder and manic-depressive disorder.
In 14 studies involving over 18,000 first-degree relatives of
schizophrenics, their risk was 8%, eight times greater than the base rate in
the population [23]. Twin and adoption studies suggest that familial
resemblance for schizophrenia is due to heredity rather than to shared family
environment. For example, the most recent twin study involves all male twins
who were veterans of World War II [24]. Twin concordances were 30.9% for 164
pairs of identical twins and 6.5% for 268 pairs of fraternal twins. Adoption
studies of schizophrenia support the twin findings of genetic influence [23].
Although these data suggest that inheritance plays a major role in
schizophrenia, the same data also indicate that nongenetic factors are of
critical importance as well. A risk of 30% for an identical co-twin of a
schizophrenic far exceeds the population risk of 1%, but it is a long way from
the 100% concordance expected if schizophrenia were entirely a transmissible
genetic disorder. There is no way to explain such substantial discordance for
identical twins for schizophrenia as currently diagnosed other than by
nongenetic factors.
Genetic effects on schizophrenia appear to be independent of genetic
effects on the affective disorders. Furthermore, unipolar depression may be
distinct genetically from bipolar manic-depressive disorder [25]. The most
recent family study of unipolar depression involved 235 probands with major
depressive disorder and their 826 first-degree relatives [26]. Major
depression was diagnosed for 13% of the male relatives and for 30% of the
female relatives, which exceed the base rate in the population. The familial
risk for bipolar illness is lower, 6% in eight studies of 3000 first-degree
relatives of bipolar probands, with no gender differences in risk, as compared
with a risk of 1% in a control sample [27]. Twin results for affective
disorders suggest greater genetic influence than for schizophrenia, but
adoption studies indicate less genetic influence [28]. In the most recent
adoption study, affective disorders were diagnosed on only 5.2% of biological
relatives of affectively ill adoptees, although this risk was greater than the
risk of 2.3% found in the biological relatives of unaffected adoptees [29].
Psychopathology was the first behavioral domain for which major-gene
linkages were reported with restriction fragment length polymorphisms (RFLP)
markers. In 1987, bipolar manic-depressive disorder was reported to be linked
to a dominant gene on the short arm of chromosome 11 in an Amish pedigree of
81 individuals, 19 of whom were affected [30]. However, the Amish results have
essentially been withdrawn [31]: Follow-up work on the original Amish pedigree
yielded two new diagnoses of manic-depressive disorder, which reduced the
evidence for linkage to nonsignificance, and an extension of the original
pedigree also failed to replicate the original result. Manic-depression may be
linked to the X chromosome in some families, despite the frequent occurrence
of father-son transmission, which rules out a major X-lined gene for
manic-depressive illness in the population [32].
For schizophrenia, linkage to a dominant gene on chromosome 5 was reported
in 1988 for five Icelandic and two English families with a high incidence of
schizophrenia [33]. Several failures to replicate the linkage have been
reported [34], and as yet no positive replication has appealed.
Molecular Biology and Behavior
This overview of behavioral genetic research suggests that genetic
influence is nearly ubiquitous for both animal and human behavior. However,
these same date lead to two additional conclusions with important implications
for the application of molecular biology techniques to the investigation of
behavior: Genetic influence on behavior appears to involve multiple genes
rather than one or two major genes, and nongenetic sources of variance are at
least as important as genetic factors. This suggests the need for molecular
biology strategies that can detect DNA markets that account for small amounts
of behavioral variation.
If this view is correct, current linkage studies--including the
large-pedigree approach as well as the affected-sib-pair method [35]--will not
succeed in identifying linkage because they can only detect major-gene effects
in which one gene is largely responsible for a behavioral disorder. Linkage is
a powerful strategy for identifying the chromosomal location of a disorder
caused by a single gene that has its effect regardless of environmental or
genetic background, as in Huntington's disease [36]. However, replicated
linkages have not been demonstrated for human behavior, despite claims for
linkages in manic depression and schizophrenia. Attention has shifted to the
possibility that certain families may have their own unique major gene
responsible for a disorder (genetic heterogeneity). In this view,
multiple-gene influence is seen in the population because of the concatenation
of different major genes in different families. Failure to find major-gene
effects on complex characteristics in plants and animals and the absence of
major-gene linkages to date for human behavioral variation does not prove that
linkages will not be found. Only a small portion of the genome and only a few
families have been examined for such linkages. Linkages may be found during
the coming decades because closely spaced markers are available for nearly all
human chromosomes; however, this will also make it possible to exclude linkage
for behavior. I predict that such exclusions will eventually provide the best
evidence that human behavior and behavioral disorders are not due to major
genes. This should not be interpreted to mean that genes do not affect human
behavior; it only demonstrates that genetic influence on behavior is not due
to major-gene effects.
An alternative hypothesis is that genetic influence on behavior is not due
to a major gene in the population or in a family. That is, for each
individual, many genes make small contributions toward behavioral variability
and vulnerability. Nonetheless, some rare major-gene effects may be found in
some families, just as hundreds of rare single-gene mutations have been found
that cause neurological defects in mice and more than a hundred rare alleles
are known for human beings that drastically lower IQ scores in affected
individuals. This suggests an important principle: Although any one of many
genes can disrupt behavioral development, the normal range of behavioral
variation is orchestrated by a system of many genes, each with small effects.
Rare alleles that disrupt behavioral development are probably just the
most easily noticed tip of the iceberg of genetic variability. It seems
reasonable to expect that many more alleles nudge development up or down and
do not show such striking single-gene effects on a few individuals. It is not
the case that we are identical genetically with the exception of major
mutational flaws: Many loci are polymorphic and many of these are likely to
contribute to variability in behaviors as complex as cognitive abilities and
in behavioral disorders as complex as schizophrenia.
Applications of molecular biology techniques to the study of behavior are
unlikely to succeed if they need to assume that a major gene is largely
responsible for genetic variation. Behavior is not too complex for molecular
biology; strategies are needed to identify genes that account for a small
amount of variance.
If this quantitative genetic view of behavior is correct, we need to find
many tiny needles in the haystack. Research in plant genetics suggests that a
very large number of genes with very small effects are responsible for genetic
influence on complex characteristics. For example, the results of a study of
associations between 20 electrophoretic genetic markers and 82 quantitative
traits in maize [37] can be summarized as follows: (i) Significant
associations were found for eachof the 82 quantitative traits; (ii) the
maximum variance of any quantitative trait explained by a single marker was
16%; (iii) more than half of the significant associations accounted for less
than 1% of the trait variance; (iv) only 5% of the marker loci accounted for
more than 5% of the variance; and (v) in concert, the genetic markers
predicted between 8 and 37% of the variance of a subset of 25 relatively
independent traits, which is most of the genetic variance for these traits.
Such association studies may be useful in finding the needles in the
haystack because sample sizes can be increased to provide sufficient power to
detect associations that account for small amounts of variance. Association,
usually called linkage disequilibrium, refers to covariation between allelic
variation in a marker and phenotypic variation among individuals in a
population. The use of genetic markers to study associations with complex
traits is not new [38]; the first association between genetic markers and
quantitative traits was found more than60 years ago [39]. Many associations
were reported even before the widespread use of RFLP markers [40]. However,
this approach is greatly enhanced by the increase in available markers that
permits quantitative trait loci (QTL) interval mapping--appraisal of
associations with many closely spaced RFLPs simultaneously by the use of the
interval between markers rather than the markers themselves [41]. With this
method, six QTL were identified that together accounted for 58% of the
variance of fruit mass in a backcross between a domestic tomato and a wild
green-fruited tomato.
Research of this type uses crosses between inbred strains because their
chromosomes have segregated as units broken up only slightly by recombination.
As a result, a genetic marker indexes a region of millions of base pairs. In
contrast, in outbred populations including humans, many generations of
recombination have eliminated linkages between alleles on the same chromosome
so that the range of a marker is limited to a very small stretch of DNA not
broken up by recombination, probably no more than a few hundred thousand base
pairs. For this reason, trying to find associations between markers and human
behavior is very much like trying to find needles in a haystack. Nonetheless,
a blood marker (HLA A9) has been found that appears to be associated with
paranoid schizophrenia [42]. Perhaps because the marker accounts for only a
small portion of variance, linkage studies have not yet found evidence for
linkage between the marker and schizophrenia.
Instead of using random RFLPs to look painstakingly through the human
genome, a more efficient initial strategy may be to screen candidate genes
with known function, especially genes suspected to be involved in neurological
processes, for their individual and joint contributions to behavior [43]. For
example, an association has recently been found between alcoholism and alleles
of the aldehyde dehydrogenase locus [44]. However, association studies of
common disorders such as heart disease and diabetes indicate that this
approach is not a panacea.
Although association studies using very large samples might begin to
uncover some QTL, success in identifying all of the many genes responsible for
genetic variance for a particular behavior is likely to depend on the
development of new techniques. It may not be overly optimistic to expect such
developments given the pace of advances in molecular biology [45]. For
example, it may be possible to use new modifications of subtractive
hybridization [46] to identify genes that differ between groups or even
between individuals, yielding a set of trait-relevant DNA sequences that could
be used as markers in association studies. The human genome project is another
example. One of the many benefits of the project will be the identification of
more markers and genes that might play a role in genetic variation in
behavior. In addition, the human genome project will no doubt foster
technological spin-offs such as sequence-tagged sites which, with new
developments in polymerase chain reaction techniques and automated sequencing
equipment, make it possible to produce genetic markers from published sequence
data without obtaining the DNA itself [47].
Conclusions
Just 15 years ago, the idea of genetic influence on complex human behavior
was anathema to many behaviioral scientists. Now, however, the role of
inheritance in behavior has become widely accepted, even for sensitive domains
such as IQ [48]. Indeed, acceptance of genetic influence has begun to outstrip
the data in some cases, such as alcoholism [49]. For most domains of behavior,
too few twin and adoption studies have been conducted to answer the basic
question of whether genetic influence is significant. Only for a handful of
behaviors is it possible to estimate effect size with reasonable certainty,
estimates that one might expect to be prerequisite to exploring the relative
importance of individual genes. More quantitative genetic research is needed,
too, because such research can go well beyond the basic question of the
reltive importance of nature and nurture. For example, new developments
include multivariate analyses of the genetic covariance among behaviors or
between biology and behavior, consideration of age-to-age change as well as
continutiy of genetic effects as they unfold during development, and
exploration of the interface with the environment [1].
An equally important conclusion from behavioral genetic research must be
emphasized: Nongenetic sources of variance are important because genetic
variance rarely accounts for as much as half of the variance of behavioral
traits. That is, evidence for significant genetic influence is often
implicitly interpreted as if heritability were 100%, whereas heritabilities
for behavior seldom exceed 50%. Another conclusion with far-reaching
implications for molecular biology is the absence of evidence that genetic
influence on behavior is primarily due to one or two major genes. It seems
more reasonable to hypothesize that many genes each with small effect are
involved.
If it is the case that behavioral variation involves many genes and much
environmental influence, linkage analyses are unlikely to succeed in the
population or even in a single family if they can only detect major-gene
effects. New strategies are required that can isolate DNa markers associated
with small amounts of variance. Quantitative genetic research will be
important in this endeavor in order to assess the extent to which genetic
variance accounts for phenotypic variance and the extent to which individual
genes account for genetic variance.
In conclusion, the use of molecular biology techniques will revolutionize
behavioral genetics, and the quantitative genetic perspective of behavioral
genetics will transform our use of these techniques as we continue to explore
the role of inheritance in the most complex of phenotypes, behavior.
REFERENCES AND NOTES
[1] R. Plomin, J. C. DeFries, G. E. McClearn, Behavioral Genetics
(Freeman, New York, 1990).
[2] J. C. DeFries, J. C. Gervais, E. A. Thomas, Behav. Genet. 8, 3 (1978).
[3] G. E. McClearn, in Aspects of Genetics in Paediatrics, D. Barltrop,
Ed. (Fellowship of Postdoctorate Medicine, London, 1976), pp. 31-39.
[4] D. W. Bailey, Transplantation 11, 325 (1971).
[5] T. J. Bouchard, Jr., and M. McGue, Science 212, 1055 (1981).
[6] H. M. Chipuer, M. Rovine, R. Plomin, Intelligence, in press.
[7] R. Plomin, Development, Genetics, and Psychology (Erlbaum, Hillsdale,
NJ, 1986).
[8] R. Plomin, J. C. DeFries, D. W. Fulker, Nature and Nurture During
Infancy and Early Childhood (Cambridge Univ. Press, New York, 1988).
[9] D. W. Fulker, J. C. DeFries, R. Plomin, Nature 336, 767 (1988).
[10] J. C. DeFries, R. Plomin, M. C. LaBuda, Dev. Psychol. 23, 4 (1987).
[11] R. Plomin, in Advances in the Psychology of Human Intelligence, R.
Sternberg, Ed. (Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ, 1988), pp. 1-33.
[12] L. A. Thompson, D. K. Detterman, R. Plomin, J. Ed. Psychol., in
press.
[13] J. C. DeFries et al., Behav. Genet. 9, 23 (1979).
[14] S. D. Smith, W. J. Kimberling, B. J. Pennington, H. 1. Lubs, Science
219, 1345 (1983).
[15] S. D. Smith, W. J. Kimberling, Y. Y. Shugart, P. S. Ing, B. F.
Pennington, Am. J. Hum. Genet. 45, A65 (1989).
[16] V. A. McKusick, Mendelian Inheritance in Man Johns Hopkins Univ.
Press, Baltimore, MD, 8th ed., 1988).
[17] R. L. Nussbaum and D. H. Ledbetter, Annu. Rev. Genet. 20, 109 (1986).
[18] D. M. Barnes, Science 243, 171 (1989).
[19] A. H. Buss and R. Plomin, Temperament: Early Developing Personality
Traits (Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ, 1984); L. J. Eaves, H. J. Eysenck, N. G.
Martin, Genes, Culture and Personality (Academic Press, New York, 1989).
[20] J. C. Loehlin, Am. Psychol. 44, 1285 (1989).
[21] R. Plomin, H. M. Chipuer, J. C. Loehlin, in Handbook of Personality
Theory and Research, L. A. Pervin, Ed. (Guilford, New York, in press).
[22] N. L. Pedersen, R. Plomin, G. E. McClearn, L. Friberg, J. Pers. Soc.
Psychol. 55, 950 (1988); R. Plomin, N. L. Pedersen, G. E. McClearn, J. R.
Nesselroade, C. S. Bergeman, Psychol. Aging 3, 43 (1988).
[23] I. I. Gottesman and J. Shields, Schizophrenia: The Epigenetic Puzzle
(Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge, 1982).
[24] K. Kendler and C. D. Robinette, Am. J. Psychiatry 140, 1551 (1983).
[25] S. G. Vandenberg, S. M. Singer, D. L. Pauls, The Heredity of
Behavioral Disorders in Adults and Children (Plenum, New York, 1986).
[26] T. Reich et al., J. Psychiatry Res. 21, 613 (1987).
[27] J. P. Rice et al., Arch. Gen. Psychiatry 44, 441 (1987).
[28] J. C. Loehlin, L. Willerman, J. M. Horn, Annu. Rev. Psychol. 39, 101
(1988).
[29] P. H. Wender et al., Arch. Gen. Psychiatry 43, 923 (1986).
[30] J. A. Egeland, D. S. Gerhard, D. L. Pauls, J. N. Sussex, K. K. Kidd,
Nature 325, 783 (1987).
[31] J. R. Kelsoe et al., ibid. 342, 238 (1989).
[32] M. Baron, N. Risch, R. Hamburger, B. Mandel, S. Kushner, ibid. 326,
289 (1987).
[33] R. Sherrington et al., ibid. 336, 164 (1988).
[34] J. L. Kennedy et al., ibid., p. 167; D. St. CLair et al., ibid. 339,
305 (1989); S. D. Detera-Wadleigh et al., ibid. 340, 391 (1989); compare W. F.
Byerley, ibid., p. 340.
[35] D. E. Weeks and K. Lange, Am. J. Hum. Genet. 42, 315 (1988).
[36] J. F. Gusella et al., Nature 306, 234 (1983).
[37] M. D. Edwards, C. W. Stuber, J. F. Wendel, Geneticae 116. 113 (1987).
[38] H. W. Kloepfer, Ann. Eugenics 13, 35 (1946).
[39] K. Sax, Genetics 8, 552 (1923).
[40] J. N. Thompson, Jr., and J. M. Thoday, Quantitative Genetic Variation
(Academic Press, New York, 1979).
[41] A. H. Paterson et al., Nature 335, 721 (1988).
[42] P. McGuffin and E. Sturt, Hum. Hered. 36, 65 (1986).
[43] E. Boerwinkle, R. Chakraborty, C. F. Sing, Ann. hum. Genet. 50, 181
(1986).
[44] D. W. Crabb, H. J. Edenberg, W. F. Bosron, T-K. Li, J. Clin. Invest.
83, 314 (1989)
[45] U. Landegren, R. Kaiser, C. T. Caskey, L. hood, Science 242, 229
(1988).
[46] G. H. Travis and J. G. Suitcliffe, Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 85,
1696 (1988).
[47] M. Olson, L. Hood, C. Cantor, D. Botstein, Science 245, 1434 (1989).
[48] M. Snyderman and S. Rothman, The IQ Controversy, the Media and Public
Policy (Transaction Books, New Brunswick, NJ, 1988).
[49] J. S. Searles, J. Abnormal Psychol. 97, 153 (1988).
[50] I thank J. C. DeFries, G. Gora-MAslak, and G. E. McCLean for their
suggestions. Support for the Colorado Adoption Project (J. C. DeFries, D. W.
Fulker, and R. Plomin, coinvestigators) was provided by the NIH (HD 10333, HD
18426, MH 43899) and the NSF (BNS 8806589). Research support for the Swedish
Adoption/Twin Study of Aging (G. E. McClearn, J. R. Nesselroade, N. Pedersen,
and R. Plomin, coinvestigators) was provided by the NIH (AG 04563) and the
MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Successful Aging.
Transtopia
- Main
- Pierre Teilhard De Chardin
- Introduction
- Principles
- Symbolism
- FAQ
- Transhumanism
- Cryonics
- Island Project
- PC-Free Zone